We will not sell our people or principles for foreign aid (HAMAS)

We will not sell our people or principles for foreign aid (HAMAS)
by Khalid Mish’al

Palestinians voted for Hamas because of our refusal to give up their rights. But we are ready to make a just peace.
Khalid Mish’al
The Guardian

It is widely recognised that the Palestinians are among the most politicised and educated peoples in the world. When they went to the polls last Wednesday they were well aware of what was on offer and those who voted for Hamas knew what it stood for. They chose Hamas because of its pledge never to give up the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and its promise to embark on a programme of reform. There were voices warning them, locally and internationally, not to vote for an organisation branded by the US and EU as terrorist because such a democratically exercised right would cost them the financial aid provided by foreign donors.

The day Hamas won the Palestinian democratic elections the world’s leading democracies failed the test of democracy. Rather than recognise the legitimacy of Hamas as a freely elected representative of the Palestinian people, seize the opportunity created by the result to support the development of good governance in Palestine and search for a means of ending the bloodshed, the US and EU threatened the Palestinian people with collective punishment for exercising their right to choose their parliamentary representatives.

We are being punished simply for resisting oppression and striving for justice. Those who threaten to impose sanctions on our people are the same powers that initiated our suffering and continue to support our oppressors almost unconditionally. We, the victims, are being penalised while our oppressors are pampered. The US and EU could have used the success of Hamas to open a new chapter in their relations with the Palestinians, the Arabs and the Muslims and to understand better a movement that has so far been seen largely through the eyes of the Zionist occupiers of our land.

Our message to the US and EU governments is this: your attempt to force us to give up our principles or our struggle is in vain. Our people who gave thousands of martyrs, the millions of refugees who have waited for nearly 60 years to return home and our 9,000 political and war prisoners in Israeli jails have not made those sacrifices in order to settle for close to nothing.

Hamas has been elected mainly because of its immovable faith in the inevitability of victory; and Hamas is immune to bribery, intimidation and blackmail. While we are keen on having friendly relations with all nations we shall not seek friendships at the expense of our legitimate rights. We have seen how other nations, including the peoples of Vietnam and South Africa, persisted in their struggle until their quest for freedom and justice was accomplished. We are no different, our cause is no less worthy, our determination is no less profound and our patience is no less abundant.

Our message to the Muslim and Arab nations is this: you have a responsibility to stand by your Palestinian brothers and sisters whose sacrifices are made on behalf of all of you. Our people in Palestine should not need to wait for any aid from countries that attach humiliating conditions to every dollar or euro they pay despite their historical and moral responsibility for our plight. We expect you to step in and compensate the Palestinian people for any loss of aid and we demand you lift all restrictions on civil society institutions that wish to fundraise for the Palestinian cause.

Our message to the Palestinians is this: our people are not only those who live under siege in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip but also the millions languishing in refugee camps in Lebanon, Jordan and Syria and the millions spread around the world unable to return home. We promise you that nothing in the world will deter us from pursuing our goal of liberation and return. We shall spare no effort to work with all factions and institutions in order to put our Palestinian house in order. Having won the parliamentary elections, our medium-term objective is to reform the PLO in order to revive its role as a true representative of all the Palestinian people, without exception or discrimination.

Our message to the Israelis is this: we do not fight you because you belong to a certain faith or culture. Jews have lived in the Muslim world for 13 centuries in peace and harmony; they are in our religion “the people of the book” who have a covenant from God and His Messenger Muhammad (peace be upon him) to be respected and protected. Our conflict with you is not religious but political. We have no problem with Jews who have not attacked us – our problem is with those who came to our land, imposed themselves on us by force, destroyed our society and banished our people.

We shall never recognise the right of any power to rob us of our land and deny us our national rights. We shall never recognise the legitimacy of a Zionist state created on our soil in order to atone for somebody else’s sins or solve somebody else’s problem. But if you are willing to accept the principle of a long-term truce, we are prepared to negotiate the terms. Hamas is extending a hand of peace to those who are truly interested in a peace based on justice.

Khalid Mish’al is head of the political bureau of Hamas: hoood88@hotmail.com

This article can be found on The Guardian website: www.guardian.co.uk

Real Peace of Mind only Possible with Hamas

Real Peace of Mind only Possible with Hamas
by Dr Azzam Tamimi

BBC Arabic radio asked a so-called expert about what he thought Hamas should be doing now that it is likely to be the next government in the Palestinian territories. He said Hamas has to change because the Palestinian people would want a government that recognizes Israel, that is willing to resume peace negotiations and that will in turn be acceptable to the United States. If this is truly what the Palestinian people wanted they might as well have settled for Fatah and not elected Hamas.

The people of Palestine gave Hamas their trust exactly because it is not what the expert was suggesting; it does not recognize the State of Israel, it is not willing to pursue a humiliating and illusive peace that does away with Palestinian rights and it is more interested in being accepted by the Palestinian people than by the USA or anybody else.

Furthermore the Palestinian people chose Hamas because of its clean and supportive hands; Hamas has proven itself to be a movement that carries the people on its back instead of riding on their backs. Hamas was given the vote because of the sacrifices it made in order for Palestinian rights to remain intact.

The fact that Hamas does not, and will not, recognize the legitimacy of the state of Israel or its right to exist, does not mean that Hamas is not capable of negotiating a peace deal that would end the bloodshed and give both sides a break from the pain and suffering. Hamas would negotiate a settlement based on the concept of hudnah (truce). As far as Hamas is concerned, and that is the position of the majority of the Palestinian people inside as well as outside Palestine, Israel exists on land stolen from the Palestinian. The creation of the state of Israel was a solution to a European problem and the Palestinians are under no obligation to be the scapegoats for Europe’s Whiteman’s failure to recognize the Jews as human beings worthy of respect and entitled to inalienable rights. Hamas, like all the Palestinians, refuse to be made to pay for the criminals who perpetrated the Holocaust. However, Israel for Hamas is a reality and that is why it is willing to deal with that reality in a manner that is compatible with its values and principles.

It would be a grave mistake on the part of the Israelis, but more so the American and the Europeans, to ignore the wish of the Palestinian people to be represented by the likes of Hamas. Instead of making ‘politically correct’ statements about Hamas having to do this or that the Europeans must lead the way in recognizing that Hamas today speaks for the Palestinians and therefore has to be communicated with.

Contrary to the claims of alarmists who see the election victory by Hamas a threat to peace, a new horizon for peace making is at our threshold. The entire peace making episodes of the past were based on assumptions absolutely unacceptable to the majority of the Palestinians and those who support their just cause. From Oslo to the Road Map it was always assumed that Israel was the victim that needed to live in peace and security and that the key to this was the end of Palestinian terrorism. The new peace episode that Hamas may indeed be willing to be part of should be based on the fact that the Palestinians are the victims and have been victims since Israel was created on their soil. It is not Palestinian terrorism that is the problem but Israeli aggression.

The late Sheikh Ahmad Yassin who was cut into pieces and his brain poured out of his skull when Israel shot him with an air to surface missile spelled it out for all to ponder a long time ago. He said we shall never recognize the theft of our land but we are willing to negotiate a ceasefire whose duration can be as a long as a generation’s life and let future generations on both sides decide where to go then. His conditions for the cease fire are in total agreement with international law and are as fair to both sides as anyone can get. Israel has to give back what it occupied in 1967 as it was then without any Jewish settlements or settlers and has to release all Palestinian prisoners. For that Hamas would be willing to halt its armed struggle and instead pursue peaceful means.

The IRA whose leaders sit in the House of Commons and who negotiated a deal with the British government continue to dream of uniting Northern Ireland with the rest of the Republic; it was never a condition for the peace talks that they should first abandon the dream.

Well, let the Palestinians dream of the end of Israel and let the Israelis dream of Eretz Yizrael from the Nile to the Euphrates but let’s negotiate an end to the violence. Hamas alone is capable of that because Hamas will not give up the right of the Palestinians to go back to the villages and towns from which the terrorists who stole their land to build their own state drove them away.

Azzam Tamimi
Visiting Professor
Nagoya University Japan
Azzamtamimi@gsid.nagoya-u.ac.jp

Christian Peacemaker Team hostages in Iraq

The Muslim Professionals Forum (MPF) is gravely concerned at the development in Iraq where four western individuals from the Christian Peacemaker Team are presently held hostage. We extend our heartfelt sympathy to them and their families. We pray that they face this ordeal with utmost courage and patience. We recognize the death and suffering that the people of Iraq have endured and the destruction of their society and nation as a result of the illegal invasion and occupation by the US-led coalition (coalition forces).

However, the four people that are held hostage are innocent of the crimes committed on the Iraqi people and nation, and in fact they are completely opposed to the invasion of Iraq. Not only does this go against the principle of the rule of law central to Islam’s notion of justice, but punishing these innocent four who came to promote peace would greatly undermine the cause of the Iraqi people.

We urge their captors to unconditionally release the four men. We wish our friend and associate Mr. Anas Al Takriti of the Muslim Association of Britain (MAB) success in negotiating for their release.

This latest episode yet again underscores the urgent need for a genuine, concerted international effort to replace the present occupation with a viable plan to restore Iraqi sovereignty, construct an inclusive representative politics and rebuild its society, economy and infrastructure.

Dr. Sheik Johari Bux Sheik Yaacob Bux
Founding Board Member
Muslim Professionals Forum
Suite 1810, 18th Floor,
Plaza Permata (IGB Plaza)
Jalan Kampar, off Jalan Tun Razak
50400 Kuala Lumpur
Tel : 03-40426102
Website : http://mpf.org.my

Response to Clive Kessler’s Article

Response to Clive Kessler’s Article
by Dr. Mazeni Alwi and SL Pang @ Farah Abdullah

The Editor
ALIRAN MONTHLY

Dear Sir

We read with interest Clive Kessler’s “The struggle between “gentle Islam” and “ungentle Islam” within Malaysia may have more than local significance” in your recent issue of Aliran Monthly (Volume 25 2005) Issue 9). It is unfortunate that he has stooped to use labels “backward” and “regressive” on those whom he disagrees with. That an emeritus professor of sociology is not above employing such infantile rhetoric is all the more regrettable.

One of the Muslim Professionals Forum’s (MPF) objectives is to contribute to current discourse that concerns Islam and Muslims in our society. We endeavour to present the view points of traditional mainstream Islam in matters that are increasingly being contested, such as the interpretation of Islam (in the area of praxis) in the modern world.

Liberal Islam is slowly but surely encroaching into the public debate. Its ideas of how Islam is to be interpreted in certain areas of praxis are in contradiction to what is regarded as consensus teachings by traditional mainstream Islamic scholars.

Our seminar on “Liberal Islam – A Clear and Present Danger” attempted to dissect these issues in a scholarly manner. The three major presentations have been written as full papers and are available online at www.mpf.org.my. All 3 papers are also available in our conference proceedings. Anyone is at liberty to critique the ideas presented therein. At all times we have been careful to maintain our professional decorum by refraining from labeling any organization or personalities in our country as proponents of Liberal Islam.

We are not averse to any individual or organization wanting to re-interpret Islam for the modern world. Anyone is welcome to present what he/she feels is the correct interpretation. Muslims have their own dynamics in evaluating interpretational claims based on scholarship of the sacred texts and the corpus of knowledge on kalam (theology), ibadah (worship), fiqh (jurisprudence) and akhlaq (excellence of conduct).

Professor Kessler seems to think that the Muslim women NGO whom he describes as “less protected”, “courageous” and “principled” are victims of persecution and onslaughts of slander. On the contrary, the said NGO has been enjoying undreamt of access to the major English press in Malaysia. Their statements, letters and views do not seem to have any problem getting published while the same cannot be said for those with more traditional “backward” or “regressive”, i.e. mainstream view points. Nevertheless we commend the said NGO for its efforts in highlighting the weaknesses in the administration of Islam, especially those that concern the plight of disadvantaged Muslim women.

The Prime Minister’s vision of Islam Hadhari in multi-ethnic and multi-religious Malaysia is encapsulated in the following mission statement:

“Islam Hadhari is an approach that emphasises development, consistent with the tenets of Islam and focused on enhancing the quality of life. It aims to achieve this via the mastery of knowledge and the development of the individual and the nation; the implementation of a dynamic economic, trading and financial system; an integrated and balanced development that creates a knowledgeable and pious people who hold to noble values and are honest, trustworthy, and prepared to take on global challenges”, http://www.islam.gov.my/islamhadhari/concept.html http://www.islam.gov.my/islamhadhari/concept.html).

Provided that it is implemented in a sincere, honest and transparent manner; rising above partisan politics and parochial racial sentiments, it would be readily supported by our Muslim professional community.

Those who take the effort of objectively evaluating the papers presented at our Liberal Islam seminar will easily recognize Professor Kessler’s malicious slander, “…. the Muslim Professionals Form held an all-day event to give unbridled rein to such criticism of the Prime Minister’s religious orientation and supporters under the banner “Liberal Islam: A Clear and Present Danger”. To equate Liberal Islam with Islam Hadhari is most preposterous and highly irresponsible. Suffice for us to highlight one simple fact which escaped Professor Kessler – the keynote address at our seminar was delivered by respected scholar Muhammad Uthman El-Muhammady, distinguished fellow at ISTAC, formerly a fellow at IKIM and the government’s most recognizable spokesperson for Islam Hadhari. It is plain obvious that he had not read the conference papers. His is a mere gut reaction based on a blind support for a particular interpretation of Islam which has little acceptance among Muslims.

Dr. Mazeni Alwi and SL Pang @ Farah Abdullah
Founding directors
Muslim Professionals Forum

The Flu Pandemic Clock is Ticking

The Flu Pandemic Clock is Ticking
by Dr. Musa Mohd. Nordin

Influenza or the flu is often erroneously equated with the common cold. Hence the myth that it is a relatively mild illness which would improve rapidly over 2-3 days. Lots of rest, fluids; vitamin C and aspirin is all that is required.

On the contrary, they are strikingly different pathologies. Influenza is often associated with high grade fever lasting 3-4 days; severe muscle aches, chest discomfort; early and severe physical weakness and generalized fatigue which could last up to 3 weeks.

31 pandemics have been documented, four in the last century. The 1918 Spanish flu killed 20 million people.

The epidemic waves of Type A flu comes every 1-3 years whilst Type B flu strikes every 3-4 years. This is due to the to emergence of new influenza virus strains causing high rates of morbidity & mortality , affecting all ages and inflicting high costs to society.

Quite evidently, the pandemic clock is ticking; we just do not know what time it is!

The Avian flu is caused by Type A influenza virus that typically infect birds. The virus is genetically distinguishable from human flu

The global concern on the Avian flu is due to the following worrisome trends :

  1. The number of affected countries with avian flu is increasing
  2. The number of avian and human cases are increasing
  3. The majority of human population have no immunity
  4. The high case fatality rate
  5. Human flu viruses are circulating in Asian countries and incubating elsewhere
  6. And the increasing risk of human-human transmission with a potential flu pandemic lurking !!!

Across Asia, increased episodes of transmission of avian flu virus strains to humans has illustrated the remarkable ability of the virus to jump the species barrier !

Hence the widespread efforts to stop transmission of avian flu to humans from poultry through the elimination of animal reservoirs of H5N1.

The emergence of the “pandemic virus” is postulated to result from a genetic reassortment of human and avian viruses within the human anatomy which acts as a “mixing vessel”. This new virus strain would be highly pathogenic with an extreme avidity for humans. And since humans have no immunity, a pandemic is the nightmarish scenario.

A strategy to bar the meeting of the viruses in the human body would go a long way towards preventing the emergence of the deadly new virus. It would reduce the opportunities for simultaneous infection of humans with the avian and human flu viruses. Decreasing this dual infection would reduce opportunities for reassortment and the eventual emergence of a novel and pandemic virus.

This I believe can be achieved with higher immunization rates with the influenza vaccine. Higher uptake of the influenza shots would decrease the risk for genetic reassortment in humans by preventing human flu virus infections.

The influenza preparedness strategy should among others actively sensitise the population on the importance of influenza immunization. Mandatory influenza vaccination of all persons likely to be in contact with poultry; cullers and those living and working on poultry farms should be in place.

And all health professionals and first line essential and emergency servicemen (eg military; firemen; disaster and relief workers; policemen) should be immunized. The experience with the SARS epidemic should be a painful lesson in this respect.

This investment in the expanded use of influenza vaccines would prove to be a cost saving policy. It would undoubtedly decrease the health burden of annual flu epidemics and prevent influenza morbidities and mortalities.

Too much attention has been focused on curative strategies namely the anti-viral, Tamiflu. Nations are rushing to stockpile this drug in preparation for the pandemic.

My back to basics virology and vaccinology would suggest that during this inter-pandemic period, influenza immunization would be the best option for protection against influenza and would help to mitigate the emergence of a pandemic virus.

A protective “pandemic vaccine” would benchmark our pandemic preparedness but would probably not be available for the first pandemic wave. And even if available there would be insufficient stocks for universal usage due to limited manufacturing capacity – let alone to stockpile.

Dr. Musa Mohd. Nordin
Board Member
Muslim Professionals Forum
Suite 1810, 18th Floor, Plaza Permata (IGB Plaza)
Jalan Kampar, off Jalan Tun Razak
50400 Kuala Lumpur
Tel : 603-40426102
Website : http://mpf.org.my

The riots of banlieues – rethinking ideological secularism

The riots of banlieues – rethinking ideological secularism
by Dr. Mazeni Alwi

It was amusing that at the height of the riots in the suburbs of Paris, one of France’s largest muslim organizations, reacting to official suggestions that Islamic militants might be orchestrating some of the protests, issued a Fatwa against the unrest. Needless to say this was ignored by the rioters and the violence reached new levels the following night. In modern suburban France, as anywhere else, disaffected youths or youths in general don’t listen to their religious leaders as religion takes a back seat in society. But above all, the riots has nothing to do with Islam, which happens to be the religion of many of the rioting youths.

“As a number commentators have remarked, these riots are a recurrent phenomenon. Even if relative calm returns, the deeper problems revealed by the insurrection of France’s disaffected urban youth won’t go away. The anger and grievances pouring out of the banlieues (suburb) will persist until French society and those who represent it, take the measure of the crisis and become ready for imaginative solutions that go much further than the familiar combination of law-and-order plus financial palliatives” (Patrice de Beer, “The Message in France’s Explosion”, OpenDemocracy.com, 14/11/05).

Until quite recently, people who have never visited France probably still held the idea that the French are a white european people with fierce cultural and intellectual pride, take glamour and chicness as life’s essentials, and have a studied sophistication in tastes. That might still be true of the elite who form a small minority of French society. From France’s football team that won the 1998 World Cup, we know today that it is a country that has many immigrants. Among the banners hoisted above Paris’ famous avenue in the euphoric celebration of that victory read “Zidane for President”. It took something like a World Cup victory to momentarily forget the deep fractures within French society. For the vast majority of France’s black and Arab youths, the only way to lift themselves out of their decaying social environment seems to be an extraordinary gift of talent and prowess in sports. For visitors to France this is not difficult to see. If one takes the RER lines (suburban trains that serve the Paris region) in a North-South direction, one would pass through numerous “nouvelles villes” (new towns) – grim suburban estates, in essence a high-rise wasteland long abandoned by the whites. Today they are mostly inhabited by immigrants from francophone countries of the carribean and sub-Saharan Africa (blacks), and north African arabs. Largely excluded from mainstream society, they are made to survive on their own wits in an environment where rates unemployment, poverty and crimes are high. Accompanying a friend many years ago on an evening visit to an afro-carribean convert to Islam in the suburb of Grigny, one of the recent sites of rioting, I thought I was walking through the set of “A clock work orange”. Unlike many in the estate, my friend’s friend had vocational education and worked as technician. But being divorced and having a teenaged boy living with him, he was naturally very concerned about the future of his son.

Apart from contributing to France’s success in the sporting field, her immigrants and their families have also been a source rich stories of human warmth in literature and film. A delightful recent film “Monsieur Ibrahim et les fleurs du Coran” (Mr. Ibrahim and the flowers of the Quran) narrates the friendship and bonding between a lonely Jewish teenager living with a depressive father and an “Arab” shopkeeper, played wonderfully by an ageing Omar Sharif. The Arab shopkeeper is actually Turkish with an inclination towards Sufism who imparted valuable lessons on life to the Jewish teenager.

In the 1977 hit film “Madame Rosa”, an old Simone Signoret shortly before her death played the role of an ageing Jewish prostitute who rescued an Arab teenager from a life of the streets. She made sure he received a proper education in the hope of getting him into normal society. But such bittersweet stories could perhaps take place in the old vibrant inner city quarters of central Paris.

In the banlieues today, the film “La Haine” (the hatred) is a more accurate representation, which was actually based on the riots of 1991 in Mantes-la-Jolie, an estate in the North West of Paris. It is a film brimming with racial tensions not helped by outbursts of police violence against teenagers from immigrant families in these depressing environments. The film narrates a day in the lives of 3 youths, Vinz a white Jew, Said an Arab (beur) and Hubert, a black African. The 3 friends are shown living by their wits, surviving on petty crimes and small-time drug deals in a housing estate outside Paris. But it was no ordinary day for a riot has just taken place in their estate and a friend was laying in a coma after being assaulted by the police in custody.

Such is the grim reality which condemns a segment of French society, hidden from the hordes of tourists who throng popular Parisian monuments. From time to time it blows its lid in the form or riots. Except that this time it spread to other provincial cities and was only be quelled by invoking an emergency law that was passed during Algerian war of independence.

It hardly escapes anyone’s notice that the French riots of the banlieues came not long after the London bombings. Both are European countries that take in a large number of immigrants from their former colonies but differ greatly in how they each attempt to integrate the newcomers.

In the aftermath of the London bombing an article in Open Democracy.com (29/9/05), “Remaking multiculturalism after 7/7” by Tariq Modood led to a lively debate on the merits and failings of Britain’s multiculturalism policy. For many the bombing is seen as the ultimate evidence of the failure of the policy – something that started as cautious whispers after September 11 which gradually became open pronouncements that eschewed any notion of political correctness even from those who had initially supported the idea. Tariq Madood promoted the idea of improving the policy which has resulted in relatively successful ethnic pluralism, by making progress towards the goal of multicultural equality and acceptance, and embracing plural ways of belonging to Britain, developing what he termed “multicultural Britishness”, as he wrote in a book published just before 7/7 “Multicultural politics : Racism, Ethnicity and Muslims in Britain”. Given the ambitiousness and optimism of Modood’s vision and enormity of the 7/7 tragedy, needless to say many were cautious or even skeptical. But even before Modood’s article, Gilles Keppel, a Professor at the Institut d’Etudes Politiques in Paris and an expert on political Islam, derided Britain’s multiculturalism policy. Britain’s 7/7 and the murder of film director Theo Van Gogh in Netherlands, the other champion of multiculturalism in Europe, are very good reasons to question and abandon the policy for something that perhaps the whole of Europe need to embrace – the French model. “France was ridiculed abroad when Bernard Stasi’s commission recommended a ban on the display of all religious symbols in schools and when the advice was implemented by law. This policy has since excited the interest of observers … . These observers remark that the combined results of secularism, conscious integration and a preventative security policy in France – the inverse terms of multiculturalism, has meant the country has been spared terror attacks for a decade” (Europe’s answer to Londonistan, OpenDemocracy.com, 24/8/05).

In the many analyses on the 3-week riots of the banlieues that spread to France’s major cities, a number of Keppel’s compatriots would not agree with his indicator of successful integration of immigrant population (especially muslims) – the absence of terror attacks. In the first place, even if such terror attacks have not occurred on French soil, France is not free from producing people who are accused of being terrorists. A small number of inmates at Guantanamo are French nationals, and the alleged twentieth hijacker of September 11, Zacharia Moussaoui, is also one.

Quite refreshingly, after the recent riots there appears to be much more readiness among French commentators themselves to question the ideological foundation of the French state – la?cit? (the French term is used to distinguish it from the secularism practiced in modern states such as Britain and Germany to accommodate political and religious pluralism). They argued that it is not a rosy as Keppel had painted it. Central to this state principle is concept of “republican values” or “republican virtues” where France trumpets its model of colour blind equality. This ideological framework of “integration” of foreign immigrants in the mould of republican egalitarianism have worked with previous waves of immigrants who shared European features, culture and religion, i.e. the Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese etc. “But a conjunction of massive immigration from France’s former colonies in Africa and the Arab world and large scale unemployment of the 1990’s has made it unmarkable, obsolete, even harmful – for it blinds the society to the reality that no longer fits the state’s founding principles” (De Beer as above). Human impulses, good or bad, like a sense of community and belonging among people sharing the same faith or culture among non white immigrants, and on the other hand among a small minority of white French people – the impulses of racism, xenophobia and lingering islamophobia in the European psyche that had its origins in the conflict between Islam and Christianity in the medieval times, were things that the founding fathers of la?cit? did not take into consideration when they constructed the grand vision of a la?que republic. For poorly educated migrants from Algeria escaping poverty and oppression at home, “republican virtues” is just too abstract a concept.

La?cit? as state ideology is deeply ingrained among the French political establishment (both left and right) and its intellectual elite. “France’s political culture makes it impossible for anyone who does not completely embrace the values of the republic to access the public sphere. The problem is that defenders of human rights and anti-racists tend to belong to that very French group of “intellectuals” whose lives in the affluent centres rarely coincide with those in the distant banlieues. France’s public education system instills a belief that the values of liberty, equality and fraternity are universally accessible through a principle of meritocracy. The logic is that those who fail to find a place in the system are professing anti-republican values such as the much dreaded communautarisme of which France’s religious muslims are accused” (the Intifada of the banlieues, by Alana Lentin, OpenDemocracy.com, 17/11/05).

That together the London bombings and the riots by France’s disaffected youths have stimulated a somewhat intense questioning on the meanings of secularism, pluralism, tolerance and integration in europe is a welcome development. But these issues are just as valid almost any where else in this modern age of migration and globalization. For muslims, either as a minority group or in countries where they form a majority, understanding these issues are also crucial, for they’re at present in the sustained, intense gaze of others for reasons that may be justifiable or otherwise.

While muslims in Britain may complain that not enough is being done and they suffer exclusion from mainstream society as their French co-religionists do through to a far less degree, the picture of Abu Hamza Al Misr (now in detention fighting extradition to the US) giving Friday Khutba in the streets with messages of hate towards the west while the London police on the sidelines maintained the peace has become a caricature of British multiculturalism that rightly drew criticisms from people like Gilles Keppel. The radical group Al Muhajiroun and its leader Omar Bakri for far too long had been allowed to spew rhetorics of hate, that it took a tragedy the magnitude of 7/7 to do something radically sensible about it.

The law of the separation of Church and State which forms the basis of France’s ideological secularism (la?cit?) and its republican values was passed a hundred years ago in 1905. The overwhelming vote in Parliament recently for the law on religious signs that bans the hijab from French state schools seemed to indicate that this founding principle is unassailable. Hence the lively debate that challenged this sacred republican principle by a number of French commentators themselves in the wake of the riots the banlieues is as unprecedented as it is refreshing.

1905, the law was passed to curb the power and influence of the Catholic Church in public affairs. Part of the impetus was the way the Church had exerted its influence, alongside the military establishment and the nationalist elite in the “Dreyfus affair” (Alfred Dreyfus was a Jewish officer in the French army who was accused of spying for Germany) that had bitterly split French society. In that historical context, the victory of the republicans and the birth of French style secularism was a victory for moral politics, justice and fairness. At its centenary, as French society has been radically transformed by large scale immigration of muslims and black Africans, the ravages of the new economy – that very secularism has become a cover for institutionalizing “exclusion” of those who are not welcome, those unable to pass the test of republican virtues. Before 2004 the courts had uphold the right of girls to wear headscarves in school. Today they had to create a new law to ban them.

Now that calm has returned to the banlieues, will the questioning of this seemingly ideological secularism also die down? As the political landscape is rapidly transforming in Turkey, the other bastion of ideological secularism, and the world becoming increasingly borderless, we could hope for a more sober form of secularism as an instrument of politics for managing and accommodating diff?rence.

Dr. Mazeni Alwi

Scientism

Scientism
by Dr Jeffrey Abu Hassan

The call by Lacrema to choose either religion or science ( “Islam vs science :choose your side please” ; 10 Nov 2005 ) is as absurd as it is childish.

It reflects a lack of understanding of the philosophical foundations of modern science ( see our previous letter “science nothing more than a systematic study of the material world” ).

It typifies the naiveté of those – often with little or no scientific background – who are mesmerised by the achievements of modern science which are undoubtedly remarkable and beneficial to mankind.

Scientism embraces a positivist materialist vision of reality that denies a Transcendent reality and the cult of the self-sufficiency of man.

However, with the discrediting of modernism’s grand narratives of which includes scientism, there is today a sober evaluation on the limitations of modern science, a questioning of its epistemological premises and a concern over technology unrestrained by ethics and spirituality such that the unsustainability of the planet is a real, grave possibility.

Not that religion must dictate science, but the principle of the non-overlapping magisterium between the two is an out-dated dictum. Asking one to choose between science and religion reflects the silly arrogance of latter-day dogmatists of scientism, not science.

Dr Jeffrey Abu Hassan
Founding member
Muslim Professionals Forum
Suite 1810, 18th Floor, Plaza Permata (IGB Plaza)
Jalan Kampar, off Jalan Tun Razak
50400 Kuala Lumpur
Tel : 03-40426102
Website : http://mpf.org.my

Religious Pluralism

Religious Pluralism
by Dr Musa Mohd. Nordin

The Editor
Malaysiakini

Dear Sir,

I enjoyed reading Chia’s rebuttal of my expose of pluralism (Religious pluralism – My daddy’s cool; 21 Oct 2005 ). It adds further colour to the spectrum of the theological discourse.

Despite our differing understanding and interpretation of religious pluralism, we nonetheless concur that John Hick remains the “guru” of the pluralist theology.

Amongst the modern scholars of theology, Hick is probably the foremost in paying meticulous attention to the issues of religious diversity and theorizing religious pluralism in such a profound manner. He has extensively elaborated his hypothesis of religious pluralism in virtually all of his scholarly works.

I must admit my disappointment at not being able to reference any of Hicks or for that matter other pluralist theologian’s writings or thoughts in my reading of Chia’s piece to substantiate his personalized inferences of the pluralist theology.

I can only benchmark my grasp of the pluralist theology against the writings of renowned scholars of religious pluralism , the likes of Ernst Troeltsch (1865-1923), William E. Hocking (Re-thinking Mission 1932), Arnold Toynbee (1889-1975), Wilfred Cantwell Smith (Towards a World Theology 1981) and John Harwood Hick et al. Chia’s would be his own variant, personal flavour or mutation of the pluralist model.

Hick wrote “Other religions are equally valid ways to the same truth”. Paul Knitter contends “All religions are relative – that is limited, partial and incomplete, one way of looking at something… Deep down, all religions are the same”.

In his contribution to the The Encyclopedia of Religion, Hick defined religious pluralism as “…the term refers to a particular theory of the relation between these traditions, with their different and competing claims. This is the theory that the great world religions constitute variant conceptions and perceptions of, and responses to, the one ultimate, mysterious divine reality…the view that the great world faiths embody different perceptions and conceptions of, and correspondingly different responses to, the Real or the Ultimate, and that within each of them independently the transformation of human existence from self-centeredness to reality-centeredness is taking place.” [Hick, John, ‘Religious Pluralism,’ in Eliade, Mircea (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Religion (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1987), Vol. 12, p. 331].

Chia instead suggest that “If anything, pluralist theologians insist that the many religions are so radically different that we can never reduce them to some common denominator …”

He further posits that “it is not necessary that all religions have a similar goal. There could be different religious ends. There could be many summits or even many mountains, not necessarily only one.”

The pluralist truth claim asserts that all religions, theistic or non-theistic, can be considered as ways through which man can attain salvation, liberation and enlightenment. They all represent authentic responses to the same transcendent “Real” and are thus valid manifestations of the “Real”.

Herein lies the hidden yet clear danger of the pluralist truth claim. It is absolutist in the sense that it is all too eager to relativise all of the existing absolute religious truth claims. Epistemologically, relativising the truth claims implies (though rarely recognized by the pluralists) denying or at the very least degrading the absolute truth claims.

And as well exemplified by Chia, the pluralist daddy is the only and truly cool dude. The pluralist truth claim transcends the conflicting and relative truth claims among religions, claims a fa?ade of democracy and world peace and is the “absolute messiah” to the phenomenon of religious diversity. That is, the other religions daddies are not cool!

Chia’s historical analysis of the genesis of religious pluralism is na?ve and not evidence based. The religious pluralism discourse revealed itself as a purely Protestant phenomenon. It evolved within the Protestant reform movement, although the doctrine extra Christos nulla salus (no salvation outside Christianity) had remained etched in the Protestant theology till the end of the 19th century.

And according to Prof. Legenhausen, the idea of religious pluralism was an attempt to provide a theoretical foundation within Christian theology for tolerance of non-Christian religions. It evolved as a reform movement of religious thought, a liberalization of religion led by Friedrich Scleiermacher’s “Liberal Protestantism” in the 19th century.

It was developed further within the discourse of western philosophy and theology by Ernst Troeltsch, a liberal Christian theologian. The pluralist model was further shaped by the Canadian theologian, Wilfred Cantwell Smith who in his work Towards a World Theology, proposed a desperate need to breed a concept of universal or global theology that can best serve as a common ground for religions of the world to co-exist with each other in society peacefully and harmoniously.

John Hick reconstructed the theoretical basis of the pluralist theology, theorized and popularized it to such an extent that it has now become synonymous with his name.

The notion of religious pluralism is alien to Islamic ideological or theological framework. It began to encroach into Islamic thought after the second World War when Muslims were exposed to education in western traditions and hence the overt or covert onslaught of western cultural hegemony.

And the spread of this idea within the Islamic discourse has been partly encouraged by the works of Western Muslim mystics. Isa Nuruddin Ahmad better known as Frithjof Schuon emphasized in his book The Transcendent Unity of Religions, that deep down all religions are the same (esoterically they are the same); though their rules , morals and ritual may differ (exoterically different). He called this the Perennial Religion (Religio Perennis)

Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas argues that the transcendent unity of religion is not found even at the esoteric level because each religion has exclusive or differing concepts of god. He adds, such transcendent unity cannot be deemed “religion” only religious experiences.

The schism within the pluralist tradition can be classified into 2 major planes of thought. Cantwell Smith, Hick et al mainstreamed the sociological concept of a pluralist global theology, whereby cultural identities and religious beliefs must evolve with the passage of time and within the context of post-modernism and globalisation.

Other pluralist theologians suggest otherwise. Their traditional religious philosophical nuances maintained that the many religions should not sacrifice their esoteric and sacral identities. Instead, these ought to flourish and each should not claim superiority over another. They embrace the “all paths lead to the same summit” theology. They include among others Rene Guenon, T.S. Eliot, Titus Burckhardt, Fritjhof Schuon, Ananda K. Coomarasamy, Seyyed Hossein Nasr et al.

Islam’s concept of al-Hanifiyah as elucidated in Pluralism “disguised enmity” of Religions, is the divine prescription towards all other non-Islamic religions. It allows “all the other religions” to be fully “others” without any reduction, deconstruction or relativisation. It acknowledges the plurality of religions and allows the adherents of all religions the plurality of laws to govern their lives within the aegis of their religious beliefs and principles. This is the gift of al-Hanifiyah to humanity.

Dr. Musa Mohd. Nordin
musa@mpf.org.my

Board Member, Muslims Professionals Forum
c/o Damansara Specialist Hospital
119 Jalan SS 20/10
Damansara Utama
47400 PJ
Tel/Fax : 03-77293173


Religious pluralism – ‘my daddy’s cool!’
Edmund Chia
Oct 21, 05 5:55pm

Dr Musa Mohd Nordin’s letter on religious pluralism is timely. Just a couple of weeks ago, a new book was released by Orbis Press, entitled The myth of religious superiority. It is the product of a conference held two years ago for those identified as ‘pluralist’ theologians or scholars of religion.

The participants came from different parts of the world and represented six of the world’s religions, including Islam. Two Malaysians were amongst them. This conference took place in the University of Birmingham, where Prof John Hick teaches. And yes, Hick (whom Musa rightly points out as the ‘icon’ of the pluralist model) was the host.

Anyway, coming back to Musa’s letter, I don’t think he has accurately represented the thesis of religious pluralism. To be sure, the pluralist model does not consider all religions as ‘relatively the same’. If it does then it is no longer pluralist.

Pluralism refers to that which is not-one, which means it is also not-same. If anything, pluralist theologians insist that the many religions are so radically different that we can never reduce them to some common denominator. Pluralism, therefore, is adamant that the uniqueness of each religion be accepted not only de facto but de jure.

In other words, religious pluralism is not merely a fact of life (to be tolerated or accepted since there is really nothing we can do about it) but something which is treasured and embraced as part of the design of the universe or the will of God/Truth/Allah (or whatever name one attaches to signify divinity or the Ultimate).

It is also equally inaccurate for Musa to suggest that pluralism is an ‘all paths lead to the same summit’ paradigm’. On the contrary, the pluralist model posits that it is not necessary that all religions have a similar goal. There could be different religious ends. There could be many summits or even many mountains, not necessarily only one.

In fact, a simple exploration of the various religions will reveal that they have very different understandings about the origins of life, the creation of the universe and especially what constitutes the final destiny of humankind. Concepts such as salvation, moksha, nirvana, paradise, etc. mean very different things to the different religions. It is too simplistic to consider them as referring to the same thing or leading to the same summit.

Next, it is also inaccurate for Musa to suggest that “religious pluralism was gestated within the context of western secular liberalism”. It is kind of like saying that Albert Camus was the inventor of nihilism just because he authored a book on the subject. Religious pluralism, to be sure, is something which many of us in Asia are very much used to. It is in our psyche.

Just consider the religious landscape in India and China. For millennia, the many religions have not only been allowed to coexist peacefully but the people have also been free to embrace and practice many of them all at once (at least until religion became politicised). There is no need for any one religion to dominate or to regard itself as superior to the others. Each religion can have its truth and faith claims. They are not a problem as long as they are kept within the community.

Problems arise when such truth and faith claims are used outside of the community and, especially, to pass judgment upon other people or another religion. This is more characteristic of the monotheistic religions (though not necessarily limited to them), where the belief in the one God leads to the belief in one truth, which leads to the conclusion that there can be only one true religion.

Of course, this true religion is always the one we belong to; for the Muslim it is Islam, for the Christian it is Christianity, and so on. The believer believes, in all honesty and sincerity, that it is his or her own religion which is that final, definitive, unsurpassable and absolute religion, while other religions are at best, lesser versions of this absolute religion or at worse, false or even demonic.

To support such exclusivistic attitudes the Muslim can turn to the Quranic verse: “He that chooses a religion other than Islam, it will not be accepted from him, and in the world to come he will be one of the lost” (Sura’ 3:85). Likewise, the exclusivist Christian can turn to the Biblical verse: “All authority in heaven and on earth has been given to me [Jesus Christ]. Go, therefore, make disciples of all the nations” (Mt. 28: 18-19).

When such convictions are paired with power (social, political, economic, etc.) it can be dangerous. History has enough examples of cases of violence perpetrated in the name of religious truth. If I believe God to be on my side, then I see it not only my right but also my duty to convince, persuade, entice, coerce or force you into accepting my religion.

Or, I may see it as God’s will that I subtly or actively persecute you and your religion or work towards its conquest and annihilation. Musa will probably quote Sura Al-Baqara v. 256 which says that there should be “no compulsion” in religion. The Catholic could also quote from Vatican II’s Declaration of Religious Freedom which states that everyone should be “immune from coercion” and that “no one is to be forced to act in a manner contrary to his own beliefs” (art. 2).

The problem is that the evidence do not bear this out. We have enough incidences of religiously- minded persons proselytising and discriminating against those who are not members of their own religion. A look at bookstores along Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman in Kuala Lumpur will reveal dozens of books which belittle Christianity. These are mainly written by Muslims or ex- Christians. Likewise, bookstores along Michigan Avenue in Chicago also have plenty of anti-Islam books. The authors are mainly Christians or ex-Muslims (some of whom even claim to have Islamic degrees from al-Azhar).

It is this latter dimension of absolute truth claims which the pluralist theologians are dead set against. Enough violence has already been committed in the name of these truth claims. It is not the truth claims which the pluralists preach against but how they are vulnerable to being exploited. If kept within their own community the truth claims are valid and good as they serve to nurture faith and a sense of commitment.

But when used as a weapon to condemn or to judge another, then it becomes problematic. Truth claims are meaningful only within the context of a relational experience, of the believer with the Divine and with one’s own religious community.

Truth claims are much like love claims such as a child telling his father that he is the “best daddy” in the whole world, or a man telling his wife that she is the most beautiful woman he’s ever seen. Such love claims and proclamations are not only valid but also necessary. They help deepen the relationship.

Moreover, they are also absolutely true, as far as the one proclaiming it is concerned. Likewise, truth claims are not only legitimate but also highly desirable. They distinguish one religion from another and help nurture the faith life of the believers.

But if the daddy is to use his child’s love claim and go around comparing himself to other fathers and making claims that he is indeed the ‘best daddy’ in the whole world and that others should emulate him or consider him as superior then problem arises.

Firstly, he will find out that other fathers who have also been told by their own children that they are indeed the ‘best daddy’ in the whole world. Secondly, such competitive judgements can only lead to enmity and hatred and not the compassion and love which religious truth claims ought to be generating.

This is what the pluralist theologians are concerned about. Theirs is not so much to deconstruct truth claims for deconstruction’s sake but to preach against the ‘myth of religious superiority’ for the myth has already contributed way too much to the inter-religious conflict and violence in the world.